Kentucky’s Frontier Moral Code for the Body Retrieval of Indian-Wounded or Indian-Slain Pioneers and for the Subsequent Burial of Indian-Slain Casualties

 

 

By Donna Dodd Terrell Jones,  B.A.,  M.A.,  J.D.

 

Kentucky pioneers, including the Boone family,  had a strong moral code requiring the swift rescue of their Indian-wounded settlers or the swift retrieval of those pioneers’   Indian-slain bodies.  Kentucky pioneers, including the Boone family, also had a strong moral code requiring,  that if  at all possible,  the bodies of their Indian-slain militia members  would eventually and  ultimately  be returned to the deceased’s home and finally and permanently buried in close proximity to the family’s  homestead.  The moral code on the Kentucky frontier for how to treat the remains of the Indian-slain  was similar to that of present day military standards in that when, on the frontier,  a “deployed” soldier was killed by the enemy (Indians)  significant efforts were then made, as they are in present day warfare,  to return the deceased’s remains to the deceased’s home for an at-home burial alongside family and friends.  Though, admittedly, on the Kentucky frontier there were times when retrieval of the wounded and dead was not an achievable goal, nevertheless,  there are sufficient examples to establish that the moral code mandating retrieval did exist and that adherence to it was of paramount importance. 

                On the Kentucky frontier, when word was received at a fort or station (usually conveyed by a survivor who had managed to return) that a party from that station or fort  had been attacked by Indians,  almost immediately a party of men from the impacted fort or station went out to search for, retrieve and bring back into their home station or fort either the wounded for care or the remains of the victims for a homestead-side burial.   The burial party members considered the whole of their work of body retrieval and pall-bearing transportation of the remains back to the deceased’s homestead as being  “burial” work though the actual grave digging and  interment aspect of the burial process traditionally did not take place until the deceased’s remains ultimately had arrived back at the deceased’s homestead.

 
 

Inspiration for the Body Retrieval Moral Code

 

This strong wounded/casualty body retrieval moral code may have been inspired by multiple influences.

First,  in pioneer Kentucky, it was a “keenly [felt] disgrace” for “white dead” to be “left with the Indians”[1]   The pioneers’ experience was that “…the savage army [was likely] to plunder the bodies of the slaughtered whites.” [2]   That  the Indian-slain and the merely Indian- wounded pioneers were routinely scalped was commonplace on the Kentucky frontier. Resultingly,  extraordinary efforts were made by Kentucky frontiersmen to swiftly retrieve and “bring in” both the survivors of Indian-inflicted wounds and the remains of Indian-slain pioneers  to protect those Indian-victim pioneers or their mortal remains  from further Indian torment or desecration. 

                Secondly,  “For all his wilderness wandering, [Daniel] Boone had a horror of being buried far  from his loved ones.”[3]  Thus,  Boone,  reflecting the prevailing mindset on the Kentucky frontier,   placed a high priority on acquiring a deceased family member’s body for burial either with other pre-deceased family members or where it was intended that other family members would eventually be interred. Boone family  reverence for family burial land is reflected in the 1991 deed which transferred The Boone Station State Historical Site to the Commonwealth of Kentucky.   That deed[4] is signed by the co-executors of Robert Channing Strader’s estate, each of which, like Strader,  is/was a direct descendant of Samuel Boone, brother of Daniel Boone,[5]  and the patriarch of the Boone/Barker  line that largely owned and/or occupied Boone Station from the time Daniel Boone left it until  it was deeded to the Commonwealth of Kentucky.  Samuel Boone is buried on the Boone Station site with the Indian-slain bodies of his brother, Edward;  nephew, Israel and son, Thomas.    Multiple times within the deed  the Boone descendants set forth that  transfer of the Boone Station land was being conditioned upon that the Commonwealth of Kentucky would preserve  and maintain the Boone Station graves.  The spirit of Daniel Boone’s emphasis upon the importance of  close-by family burials in family burial ground was reflected and, hopefully, perpetuated  in the 1991 deed. 

                A third factor influencing the strong body retrieval moral code was that in frontier Kentucky, ideally,  burials took place near the homestead and, thus, remains had to be “brought in” from their remote death sites to  the homestead. [6]  Boone was of English descent.[7]   The historian and author N.S. Shaler explained how English ancestored  Kentucky pioneers generally, and Daniel Boone in particular, adapted their ingrained English burial traditions to the unique circumstances presented on Kentucky’s frontier.  Shaler has explained regarding, Boone’s burial tradition that:

 We may here notice the curious habit of burial on the land of the deceased to which [Daniel] Boone alludes.  As is well known, the English ancestors of this people had the usual habit of burying in churchyards.  In the scattered population of Virginia [pre-1792 Kentucky statehood] churchyard burial in such places [as the Kentucky frontier] became impossible.  In its place grew up the habit of interring the dead beside the homestead.  This ground, consecrated by the dust of the family, was the last possession parted with;  indeed, it almost always remained in the possession of the kindred to the farthest generation.[8]

The adapted English tradition of churchyard burial having been replaced with the practice of interring the dead beside the family homestead,  would have been consistent  with  body retrieval having a high priority.  The importance of homestead  burial amongst family  was reflected in Daniel Boone’s efforts to retrieve  land.  After Boone had had no success within the  judicial branch at keeping his land claims, Boone then made an appeal to the legislative branch for them to confer ownership upon him for land he had claimed and lost.   On  January 13, 1812  Daniel Boone presented to the General Assembly of Kentucky a  petition  seeking for that body to confirm that lands he had claimed which had been “swallowed up and lost in the intricacies of the law and rival claims…” [9]  be restored to him.  Boone’s  petition relied, in part,  upon his loss of burial ground.  As Shaler explained, “…for a decent man to own no acres that might receive his dust was something that appealed strongly to his fellows” as such a circumstance was “a pitiable condition”  full of disgrace. [10]   Boone had lost his long dreamed of Boone Station family homestead land surrounding the Boone Station family burial ground and, thus, he had also lost his quest to be buried there  alongside  at least two brothers, a son and a nephew.  Thus, Boone  “appealed strongly to his fellows” by including in his  petition  that he had been “…left once more, at about the age of eighty, to be a wanderer in the world, having no spot he can call his own whereon to lay his bones.” [11]   In response, the Kentucky General Assembly did not confer any land upon Boone.  Instead, it  unanimously urged Congress to do so.

 
 

The Search and Retrieval/Homestead-side Burial Code’s Implementation

 

As early as 1780 (the year Edward Boone was killed by Indians) at Fort Lexington it was established custom for the settlers to bring back to the vicinity of the homestead for burial the victims of Indian attacks.  This is evident because in 1780 Fort Lexington’s first community cemetery  was established and it was designated to be the place where “the settlers who had been killed by the Indians were laid to rest.”[12]   Fort Lexington’s  first burial ground was nearby on “The First Hill” which, in what was ultimately a merger of the adapted English churchyard/Frontier homestead burial tradition, eventually became The First Baptist Church yard.[13]

The same moral code of bringing in the remains of Indian-slain pioneers was in effect at Boonesborough.  In early March of 1780 Colonel Calloway, Pemberton Rawlings and three African-American men were building a ferry boat one mile above Boonesborough when they were attacked by Indians.  One of the black men escaped and ran to Boonesborough to give a report.  Calloway was killed; Rawlings, being mortally wounded, soon died; two black men were captured and taken by the Indians.  Ranck reported, “the stricken forms [Calloway and Rawlings’s bodies] were tenderly brought in…buried…[in a single] grave back of the fort…”[at Boonesborough].[14]

On May 1,  1780 a contingent from Bryan Station, including William Bryan,  was out hunting and was attacked by Indians. [15]  Some have thought this attack took place near Great Crossings in present day Scott County, Kentucky.[16] The news was reported and a party went out to bring in the victims.  Two casualties, William Bryan (mortally wounded but then still alive…he died at Bryan Station several days later in May of 1780) and Tomlinson (already deceased) were brought into the fort. A two horse litter[17] was used to transport and rescue the wounded William Bryan. [18]   William Bryan, husband of Daniel Boone’s sister, Mary Boone, and uncle of Daniel Boone’s wife, Rebecca Bryan, was  accorded the treatment dictated by the Boone family’s[19]  frontier moral code for how to treat Indian-wounded or Indian-slain pioneers.[20]   The rescuers  tied Tomlinson’s remains to his own horse for transportation.[21]  It was reported of Tomlinson, “We tied him to his horse and brought him in.”[22]  

Felix Walker’s account explains how pack horses were used on the frontier to transport an Indian-wounded pioneer.   Walker explained that after he was wounded in an Indian attack and was retrieved by a rescue party he was “carried in a litter between two  horses, twelve miles, to the Kentucky River” to Boonesborough.[23]  

                Josiah Collins reported that in the summer of 1780 a man named Hinton went to a spring 400 yards from McGary’s fort and had 6 balls shot into him by Indians.  Allegedly McGary went out “to where the 6 guns had fired…and [he] bro’t in Hinton , who had been killed.” [24] 

                Josiah Collins also reported that in the fall of 1781, “David Hunter…was going from McConnell’s [Station] to Lexington…and was shot…by the Indians…I was one of the men…J. & James McBride were of those that helped to carry him in.” [25]

                At  St.Asaph’s/Logan’s Station, the custom of body retrieval and burial back at the victim’s home fort was also chiseled into the frontier moral code.  The body of Indian-slain John Kennedy was not only brought in and buried near a home, it was brought in and buried within a home.   According to Mary Logan Smith, daughter of Benjamin Logan, Kennedy’s remains were actually buried under the puncheons of a contemporaneously occupied  cabin. [26]

While watching for deer at the Grassy Lick, which is in present day Montgomery County, Kentucky,  Captain Spahr (Sphar) and three companions were ambushed by Indians.  Spahr/Sphar  and two others were killed.  The fourth man was badly wounded in the thigh but miraculously escaped and eventually reached the fort at Boonesborough.   Upon his return a party was sent out from Boonesborough to recover the bodies and bring them in.   Upon reaching the Grassy Lick they found that the bodies had been devoured by wolves.[27]   Thus, beyond Edward Boone’s death at Grassy Lick there is at least one other report of  pioneers having been killed by Indians  at Grassy Lick.  In the Spahr/Sphar case (and similarly in Edward Boone’s case)  a party from the Spahr/Sphar victims’ home Boonesborough fort adhered to the strongly held  moral code and, in response to the reported Indian massacre,  went to the Grassy Lick to retrieve the remains

Very shortly after the August of 1782 Battle of [Lower] Blue Licks it is apparent that rescue and body retrieval efforts were being made at the battlefield site by persons from the garrison at Lexington.   At least one post-battle  rescue/burial retrieval attempt was made so very soon after the battle ended that upon the Lexington party’s  arrival not all of the Indians had, as yet, vacated the battlefield.  When the Lexington garrison rescue/burial  party initially approached the battlefield they returned so soon after the battle that ,  “…an Indian, who had skulked behind the savage army to plunder the bodies of the slaughtered whites, was killed by one of the Lexington garrison.”[28]    Thereafter,  at least one body, or one body part, from the Battle of [Lower] Blue Licks was transported back to Lexington because Ranck reported that,   “…the settlers, burning with indignation and wild with grief over their great calamity, mounted his [the skulking Indian’s] head upon a pole, which they planted upon the roof of the blockhouse” in Lexington. [29]   It is noted that this initial post-battle return to the Lower Blue Licks Battlefield by persons from the Lexington garrison  apparently took place days before Logan and his troops eventually went to that battlefield to bury the dead.  According to Josiah Collins, the battle took place on Monday morning but it was a full seven days later,  “the next Sunday before they [Logan and his troops] could get to the battleground…I was with them to bury the dead.”[30]  Very obviously, after the Battle of Blue Licks Logan’s fear of further Indian attack counterbalanced any adherence he may have had to the rescue/retrieval moral code. However, Logan’s temerity, reluctance and limited command was no prohibition to those of Fayette County who, under Boone’s post-battle command of a status equal to that of Logan, apparently were free to act in accordance with their strongly held rescue and retrieval moral code.

Additionally,  during the week Josiah Collins reported had elapsed between  the battle and Logan’s eventual arrival at the battle site to bury the casualties,  the bodies of at least two Boone Station Battle of [Lower] Blue Licks casualties  were retrieved from the battlefield. Mrs. Rachel Denton reported, regarding the “Blue Licks defeat” that “Five of the Boone’s Station men were killed + one John Morgan – taken prisoner, 2 subsequently returned – Israel Boone was killed.”[31]   Rebecca Boone Grant Lemond reported to Lyman Draper that “Uncle Sam Boone’s eldest son Thomas, was killed fiting [fighting, sic] [the following line is crossed out] by the side of Israel Boone [next in Lyman Draper’s handwriting] buckskin moccasins got wet & stopped to pull them off, was overtaken and killed.”[32] According to long held Samuel Boone family tradition, the two bodies Rachel Denton said had been  returned to Boone Station  for a nearby-to-the-homestead burial were the Indian-slain remains of Israel Boone, son of Daniel and Rebecca Boone, and Israel’s cousin, Thomas Boone, son of Samuel and Sarah Day Boone.  At the time of the Blue Licks battle Boone Station was the home of Israel’s parents, Daniel and Rebecca Bryan Boone and of Thomas’s parents, Samuel and Sarah Day Boone.

  That pioneer morality commanded the retrieval of pioneer Indian-slain bodies was again exemplified  in either 1792 or 1793.  Then Rollin Hay, [unknown] Crook and Daniel Williams were killed, presumably by Indians,  when they were about a dozen miles from their Hays Station home in Madison County.   Samuel Boone, brother of Daniel, reported that “the bodies [for Hay, Crook and Williams] were brought in & buried.”[33]  This same Samuel Boone lost his son, Thomas, at the Battle of Blue Licks and many, including Dr. Thomas D. Clark, have long thought that Thomas Boone is the second body Mrs. Rachel Denton reported (Israel Boone’s having been the first) that was “subsequently returned” to Boone Station after the Battle of Blue Licks.[34]

 In 1838 Enoch Boone’s report of the events of Edward Boone’s (Daniel’s brother’s) October 6, 1780 death were recorded in Lyman Draper’s manuscripts.[35] Enoch was the son of William Boone and the grandson of Daniel’s brother, George Boone.  Similar reports were made to Draper by Edward Boone’s nephew, Edward Boone Scholl.[36] George Boone and his son, William Linville Boone and Daniel Boone[37] were three of the seven man group[38] formed immediately upon Daniel Boone’s October 7, 1780 early morning return to Boone Station after Daniel had escaped the Indians that killed Edward the prior evening.[39]  Those seven men served as the burial  “…party that went to bring in Edward Boone’s body.”[40]  According to  the adapted English burial tradition and the moral code regarding body retrieval for Indian-slain pioneers, these seven men would have been the burial party  of pall bearers bringing in Edward Boone’s body to his home at Boone Station for  burial nearby to his homestead.   

In 1789  John Grant, a Fayette County, Kentucky Boone family member,  probably acted in accordance with the  moral code requiring the retrieval of Indian-slain family members’ bodies for  homestead-side burial with other family members.  William Sudduth reported to John Dabney Shane that in 1789 men, under the leadership of Colonel Robert Johnson,  pursued Indians across the Ohio River into what is now Switzerland, Indiana  and “had an engagement with them.  Two men were killed, Samuel and Moses Grant, they were brothers and their mother [Elizabeth Boone Grant]  was sister [to] Colonel Daniel Boone.” [41]   The final resting place of Samuel[42] and Moses[43] Grant’s remains has been variously reported.[44]  Some think the brothers’ remains were brought in and  buried in the Boone/Grant family cemetery on their father, William Grant’s,  original 1783 1400 acre pre-emption and settlement on the Russell Cave Road  in Lexington, Fayette County, Kentucky.  Others think Samuel and Moses’s  brother, John Grant, and a number of Kentuckians  journeyed to Grant’s Creek in Switzerland, Indiana not to bring home to Fayette County, Kentucky John’s brothers’ remains, but instead to forever leave John’s  brothers’ remains under a pile of rocks alongside Grant’s Creek in Switzerland, Indiana.  The obvious point of John Grant’s and the Kentuckians’ intentional journey was, in keeping with Boone family tradition and Kentucky frontier moral code, to retrieve and transport Samuel and Moses Grant’s remains back to their family’s homestead for burial in their nearby family cemetery where, subsequently, Samuel, Moses and John Grant’s parents, a sibling and many other family members were also permanently interred.  

In 1790 the tradition of the retrieval of Indian-wounded and Indian-slain bodies was continued as William Sudduth reported to John Dabney Shane that, “…about the 30th of June 1790 Samuel Dickerson & Isaac Baker went to a deer lick, Dickerson was killed and Baker severely wounded.  Major Hood and all the men in our station, myself excepted, went to their relief.”[45]

 
 

Failure to Comply with the Retrieval Moral Code Provoked Stigma

 

                That the prevailing moral code of the day mandated an attempt to bring in for burial an Indian-slain pioneer’s remains is also made evident, not only  by reports of  the “bringing in” process, but perhaps even more so  by  reports of instances when body retrieval was not accomplished.   Josiah Collins pointedly and shamefully reported to John Dabney Shane regarding the aftermath of an Indian ambush that,  “We left 7 men laying there, at that place we retreated from, dead, for the Indians to do what they pleased with.  They were never picked up.” [46]

                On March 22, 1782 James Estill and a group of men did battle with the Wyandotte Indians in what is now Montgomery County, Kentucky.  Henceforth, the encounter has been known as “Estill’s Defeat of the Battle of Little Mountain”. This approximately two hour battle cost many frontiersmen their lives. However, though “[i]t was a ‘drawn battle’ with both sides inflicting nearly equal losses upon the other” still “the battle is referred to as a ‘defeat’ since the settlers left their dead on the field.”[47]  The stigma was great for failing to adhere to the frontier moral code requiring that attempts be made to bring in or retrieve the remains of  Indian-slain pioneer casualties.

One of the most notable examples of that a stigma accompanied the pioneers’ failure to retrieve wounded or deceased bodies involved  Holder’s Defeat.  Within less than one week before the pioneers’ devastating defeat on August 19, 1782 at the Battle of [Lower] Blue Licks a smaller preliminary Indian battle and pioneers’ defeat took place at the nearby Upper Blue Licks.  This battle was known as Holder’s Defeat.  William Buchanon was wounded in that battle and, as the remainder of his comrades retreated, the wounded Buchanon was left at the battle site. Kentucky Frontiersman Fielding Belt, reportedly, “… said the men went back to get Buchanan the next morning…Buchanan died on a litter while they were bringing him home.”  [48]   Belt’s version of the able-bodied survivors’ post-battle-behaviors regarding retrieval of the injured or dead  perfectly parroted that which would have been expected by the moral code of the period and place.  Belt’s report of alleged specific compliance with the moral code, however, becomes highly suspect  when “John Floyd later provided another version of his brother-in-law, William Buchanan’s death.  According to Floyd’s version,  ‘Poor Billy Buchanan was wounded a few days before the [August 19, 1782]  defeat at [Lower Blue]Licking.  He went with a party in pursuit of some Indians who had captured a boy to near the upper Salt Springs [Upper Blue Licks] where they were attacked by a superior number of enemy and obliged to retreat.  His dastardly company [emphasis added] all left him in the woods where he lay several days before his brother [James Buchanan] found him then alive, but he [William] expired before he [James ]could carry him [William] home.’ ”[49]  According to Josiah Collins several days  after  Holder’s Defeat  very few men were available in the Fort at Lexington  to help with the Indian siege upon nearby Bryan Station (which was a prelude to the subsequent battle at Lower Blue Licks)  due to the fact that   “a greater part of [the men] had been sent out to bury the  [four] men who had been killed at Holder’s defeat on Fleming Creek….” [50]  That when the Indians arrived at Bryan Station many men from Lexington were unavailable because they were members of the Holder’s Defeat burial party could suggest that they were  retrieving and returning bodies (and Buchanan) to Lexington for burial.  The obvious lessons regarding the Kentucky frontier moral code which are gleaned from information regarding Holder’s Defeat and Floyd’s and Belt’s not-so-compatible reports of Buchanan’s circumstances therein are that: (1) honorable Kentucky frontiersmen swiftly returned to the scene of a battle to search for a left-behind-in-the-heat-of-battle Indian-victim; and (2) they  would do so for several days after the victim went missing;  and (3) they  searched with the intent of either bringing home the injured or bringing home the deceased’s remains;  and (4) to fail to do so was  considered morally reprehensible and disdainful.  That Fielding Belt may have reported  what was expected of him rather than what, in fact transpired, suggests that on the Kentucky frontier it was very important for a man to have been in  compliance with the Kentucky pioneers’  rescue/retrieval moral code.  Apparently the stigma and denunciation for failure to comply with this rescue/retrieval Kentucky frontier moral code was substantial.

 
 

CONCLUSION

 

Kentucky pioneers, including the Boone family,  had a strong moral code dictating  the swift rescue and/or retrieval of their Indian-wounded pioneers or the retrieval of those pioneers’   Indian-slain  bodies for return to their fort or station.   This strong  retrieval moral code was coupled with another deeply ingrained and frontier adapted English-based  tradition for interment of those retrieved bodies  in gravesites nearby to their homesteads.   While, obviously,  circumstances did not always permit compliance with tenants of the code, still, the code existed and on the Kentucky frontier substantial efforts were made to comply with it.

 
 

[1]   Cotterill, R. S., History of Pioneer Kentucky, 1917, Johnson & Hardin, Cincinnati, Kentucky Imprints, Berea, Kentucky 1972, p. 181.

[2]   Ranck, George Washington,  “Guide to Lexington, Kentucky”,  Transylvania Printing and Publishing Company, 1883 at p. 12.

[3]   Elliott, Lawrence, The Long Hunter:  A New Life of Daniel Boone, Reader’s Digest Press, 1976 at pg. 200.

[4]  See Fayette County Deed Book 316 at page 313.

[5]  The deed is signed by Former Fayette Chief Circuit Judge George Barker, Robert William Dodd and Geraldine Gayle Dodd Haggerty.

[6]   According to Nathan Boone, Daniel Boone was a Freemason.  Homeside burial on the frontier may have been a Masonic custom.  A letter of July 8, 1849 written by N. H. Hubbard of Massachusetts exists at the Scottish Rite Masonic National Heritage Museum and Library at A2009/78/1.  Hubbard  reported about a Virginia masonic burial.  Hubbard reported that “The grave was not in the field” but was “…a short distance from the house.”  Thus, it is worth wondering if home-side burial on the Kentucky frontier and with Daniel Boone was more of an English adaptation for churchyard burials or if it was, perhaps, also Masonically inspired. As, supposedly Masonic rituals are closely associated with death and a Masonic burial ritual is of utmost importance to a Mason, then the burial customs of a Mason on the frontier may well have been influenced by Masonic tradition.

[7]   Quaker influence would also have been involved.

[8]  Shaler, N.S., American Commonwealths, KENTUCKY A PIONEER COMMONWEALTH, Boston, Houghton, Mifflin and Company, New York;  11 East Seventeenth Street, The Riverside Press, Cambridge, 1885,  at p. 156, footnote #1.

[9] Smith, Z. F.,  “History of Kentucky,”  Prentice Press, Louisville 1895 at p. 354.

[10] Shaler, N.S., American Commonwealths, KENTUCKY A PIONEER COMMONWEALTH, Boston, Houghton, Mifflin and Company, New York;  11 East Seventeenth Street, The Riverside Press, Cambridge, 1885,  at p. 156, footnote #1.

[11]  Smith, Z. F.,   “History of Kentucky,”  Prentice Press, Louisville 1895 at p. 354. 

[12] Tadlock, E. V., The History of Fort Lexington, “The Lexington Morning Herald”,  02 Feb. 1902. 

[13] Tadlock, E. V., The History of Fort Lexington, “The Lexington Morning Herald”,  02 Feb. 1902. 

[14] Ranck, George W., Boonesborough, Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals,” John P. Morton & Co.,  Louisville, 1901 at pages 116 and 117.

[15] Spraker, Hazel Atterbury, “The Boone Family” at page 66  (citing Draper Manuscript 22 C 16).

[16]  See “The Journal of Kentucky History and Genealogy”,  Articles section, Lineage of the Bryan Family, curtesy of Waveland.

[17] A “litter” was a “frontier ambulance stretcher”.  It  usually “stretched” as a “sling” between two horses and likely between two pack horses.  Pack horses would not shy away from carrying a body as, on the frontier, they were often called upon for “packing  game [meat] from hunts.” (See Collins’ “History of Kentucky” at p. 268). Nathan Boone explained how Daniel Boone had issued directions for having himself carried by pack horses back to Nathan’s house when the elder Boone was feeble.  Nathan allegedly reported:  “He [Daniel Boone] directed me to get a couple of long poles and fasten them to a couple of horses with a bed swung across as wounded men were carried on campaigns in the Indian country.  This sling was swung over the horse’s backs, one horse several feet before the other, with a blanket placed across the poles.” (see Hammond, Neal O.,  Editor, My Father, Daniel Boone, The Draper Interviews with Nathan Boone,” The University Press of Kentucky,  1999) at Chapter 12, p. 138 (chapter taken from Draper Manuscript 6 S 268-81, as per “Notes” on p. 163).    

[18] Cooper, J.R., “The Bryan Families”, The Lexington Herald, Sunday, March 20, 1927 (part of a series).

[19]  The Boone Family and the Bryan Family had multiple intermarriages.

[20]   An article entitled “Bryan’s Station, Kentucky 1775-1780, Part 2” by Kathryn H. Weiss was published in the January 2009 issue of  The Boone Society, Inc. publication, Compass.   On page 7 of that publication, Weiss told of William Bryan’s wound and death and added, “William’s funeral may have been the largest one in Kentucky to that point.  Besides friends and countless other kin, many brothers and sisters were near:  Bryan brothers Joseph, Morgan, and James;  Boone siblings Samuel, Elizabeth, Daniel, George, Ned, and Squire, and their large extended families.  William Bryan was buried at the original grave yard [on the east side of the Elkhorn from the Bryan Station] near his three sons.”  A little over 4 months later a similar scene was played out at Boone Station when the body of Edward “Ned” Boone was brought in from where Indians killed him 15miles down the trace from Blue Licks which trace ran to Strode’s Station  [Draper Manuscript 12 CC 61-64 and 12 CC 79-96]  via the Grassy Lick.   Ned was killed, at that Grassy Lick in Montgomery County,  and, after his body was retrieved and brought in to his homeplace by a burial party of 6 or 7 men, Edward “Ned” Boone was buried at a funeral attended by at least 60 to 70 people gathered in the family cemetery at Boone Station on what is now the Gentry Road in Fayette County, Kentucky.

[21]   Cooper, J. R., “The Bryan Families”, The Lexington Herald,  Sunday, March 20, 1927 (part of a series).

[22]   Cooper, J.R.,  “The Bryan Families”, The Lexington Herald, Sunday, March 20, 1927 (part of a series).

[23]   Ranck, George W., Boonesborough, Its Founding, Pioneer Struggles, Indian Experiences, Transylvania Days and Revolutionary Annals (Louisville, Kentucky:  J. P. Morgan and Co., 1901), Appendix G.  Written about 1824 and originally published in DeBow’s Review,  February 1854, Vol. 2 at pages 150-155.  See also Draper Manuscript 3 B 173-179.

[24] Reid, Darren R., codifying John Dabney Shane’s interview with Josiah Collins, Draper Manuscript 12 CC 64-78;  97-110 in “Daniel Boone and Others on the Kentucky Frontier:  Autobiographies and Narratives, 1769-1795”;  published 2009 by McFarland & Company, Inc., Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640, at page 90.

[25]  Reid, Darren R., codifying John Dabney Shane’s  interview with Josiah Collins, Draper Manuscripts 12 CC 64-78;  97-110,  in “Daniel Boone and Others on the Kentucky Frontier:  Autobiographies and Narratives, 1769-1795”;  published 2009 by McFarland & Company, Inc., Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640, at page 107.

[26]   Draper Manuscripts 12 C 44;  18 S 151.

[27]   Clark County Chronicles by the Clark County Historical Society as printed in The Winchester Sun under the heading “Early Settlements in Clark County”, Chapter IV, printed April 12, 1923 and provided on the Clark County KyGenWeb.

[28]   Ranck, George Washington,  “Guide to Lexington, Kentucky”,  Transylvania Printing and Publishing Company, 1883 at p. 12.

[29]  Id.

[30]  Reid, Darren R., codifying John Dabney Shane’s 1841 interview with Josiah Collins in “Daniel Boone and Others on the Kentucky Frontier:  Autobiographies and Narratives, 1769-1795”;  published 2009 by McFarland & Company, Inc., Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640, at page 94.

[31]  Draper Manuscript 23 C 104(2).

[32]  Draper Manuscript 22 C 33, Rebecca Boone Grant Lemond, age 70,  to Lyman Draper, March 1844, Trimble County, Kentucky.

[33]  Draper Manuscript 22 S 241-268.

[34]  Draper Manuscript 23 C 104(2).

[35]  Draper Manuscript 19 C 138,  the 1838 interview with Enoch M. Boone and/or the notes of Judge Moses Boone, son of Squire Boone, which indicate that Enoch M. Boone thought that Edward Boone was killed on 1780 at a lick.

[36]  Draper Manuscript 23 C 9.

[37]  Draper Manuscript 19 C. 138, Enoch Boone, as interpreted in Spraker’s “The Boone Family”, The Tuttle Company, Publishers, Rutland, Vermont, 1922, reprinted by Higgason Book Company, Salem, Mass., at page 131, entry #122.  

[38]  Draper Manuscript 23 C 9, Edward Boone Scholl, letter of 11 Dec. 1833 from Griggsville.

[39]  Draper Manuscripts  23 C 104 ,Edward Boone Scholl.

[40]  Draper Manuscript 19 C 138 and 23 C 9.

[41]  Reid, Darren R., codifying John Dabney Shane’s interview with William Sudduth  in “Daniel Boone and Others on the Kentucky Frontier:  Autobiographies and Narratives, 1769-1795”;  published 2009 by McFarland & Company, Inc., Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640, at page 128, citing Draper Manuscript 12 CC 79-96. 

[42]  Samuel Grant, born 26 Nov. 1762, died 13 Aug. 1789.

[43]  Moses Grant, born 3 Oct. 1768, died 13 Aug. 1789.

[44]  See Compass, a publication of The Boone Society, Inc., :  July 2008 issue,  “Grant Family Graveyard” at p. 4-5 by Sue Lewallen claiming, without naming sources, that “it is documented” that Samuel and Moses Grant are buried in unmarked graves alongside their subsequently buried parents (William and Elizabeth Boone Grant), sibling, nieces, nephew and a total of at least 14 family members nearby to the homestead on their father’s original 1783  1400 acre pre-emption and settlement which is presently on the Russell Cave Road  in Lexington, Kentucky. But also see Compass issues of October 2008 and April 2010 articles by Richard Lermon claiming that Samuel and Moses Grant are not buried on the family farm in Lexington.  Instead it is claimed, without accompanying historical documentation, that Samuel and Mose’s brother, John and a number of men crossed the Ohio River and “buried the bones of the brothers in the rocks along the existing Grant’s Creek” in Switzerland, Indiana. 

[45]  Reid, Darren R., codifying John Dabney Shane’s interview with William Sudduth  in “Daniel Boone and Others on the Kentucky Frontier:  Autobiographies and Narratives, 1769-1795”;  published 2009 by McFarland & Company, Inc., Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640, at page 129, citing Draper Manuscript 12 CC 79-96. 

[46]   Reid, Darren R., codifying John Dabney Shane’s  interview with Josiah Collins in “Daniel Boone and Others on the Kentucky Frontier:  Autobiographies and Narratives, 1769-1795”;  published 2009 by McFarland & Company, Inc., Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640, at page 109, citing Draper Manuscript 12 CC 97-110.

[47]   McCullough, Edward P., “The Early History of Montgomery County, Kentucky”  published by Heritage Books, Inc.  2006, Westminster, Maryland , citing Conkwright, Bessie Taul, “Estill’s Defeat of The Battle of Little Mountain,”  Register Kentucky State Historical Society, (Louisville:  Vol. 22 1924)  p. 319-320.

[48]    Enoch, Harry G.,  “Colonel John Holder Boonesborough Defender & Kentucky Entrepreneur,” Acclaim Press, Moreley, Missouri, 2009 at pp. 114-115.

[49]   Enoch, Harry G.,  “Colonel John Holder Boonesborough Defender & Kentucky Entrepreneur” at p. 115 citing  John Floyd to Willian Preston , March 28, 1783 , Draper MSS 17CC 144-148.     

[50]   Reid, Darren R., codifying John Dabney Shane’s  interview with Josiah Collins, Draper Manuscripts 12 CC 64-78;  97-110,  in “Daniel Boone and Others on the Kentucky Frontier:  Autobiographies and Narratives, 1769-1795”;  published 2009 by McFarland & Company, Inc., Box 611, Jefferson, North Carolina 28640.